Polling "Places"

If you have turned on a TV, walked by a radio, driven down a residential street, or answered a phone (or more likely let it go unanswered) in the past month, you will, of course, be aware that our nation will officially go to the polls today. 

Of course, our nation has been “going” to the polls—or at least casting votes—for several weeks now. And while some states (and voters) have done so in elections past, a combination of factors (not the least, concerns about the current pandemic) means that the process of voting, like so much of our lives this year, is going to be “unprecedented,” both in terms of the breadth and volume of votes cast prior to election “day”—and perhaps on that day itself.

And yes, it’s been a particularly nasty—one feels compelled to say “unprecedented”—election cycle. 

In that regard, I recently came across this: 

“Certainly, politics has never been a pretty business, but I doubt that I would get much argument in stating that this particular political season has been as nasty, vitriolic, and personal as any in recent memory—including not a few of those ads where the candidate’s visage appears to say that he or she “approved this message.” Like a couple of bickering siblings, both sides protest either that they didn’t start it, or that it is the other side’s fault. Lowered to levels of political discourse that once would have gotten your mouth washed out with soap, the verbal free-for-all threatens to obfuscate not only the real issues in this election, but the truth itself. We’re all sick and tired of it—even when they’re dishing the dirt on the candidate we’re hoping is forced to slink off the public stage in disgrace come Tuesday.”

While the sentiment is real and current, I actually wrote those words nearly 15 years ago, just ahead of the 2006 mid-terms. I wouldn’t say that things haven’t gotten (even) worse since then, but I was surprised at how apropos those words remain even in the context of the election before us. 

Indeed, while much is made of what appears to be an extraordinary level of polarization in perspectives, the pernicious influences of social media, and the pervasive editorializing of the “news,” it remains my sense that our nation is not so cleanly demarcated into “blue” and “red” as pundits would have us believe. Moreover, while we surely have our individual differences, I suspect at most levels the voting public is not as polarized in their opinions on key issues as are the individuals seeking their vote, or the process that produces those individuals. 

The issues that confront our industry—and the nation’s retirement—important though they surely are, are unlikely to be the issues that motivate your choices on the ballot this year. That said, it’s worth remembering that elections matter there as well—that the “sweep” of control often creates the biggest issues for retirement policy, be it the tumult of the Tax Reform Act of 1986, the flirtation with Rothification, the ardor for financial transaction taxes that make no allowance for retirement savings, and “equalization” of tax treatment that might well discourage plan formation. And just how powerful bipartisanship (still) can be in terms of producing thoughtful, meaningful legislation like the SECURE Act.   

As I write these  words, it’s hard to imagine that we’ll know how it will all turn out by Election Day’s close. The good news, whether it be a result, or in spite of, the current level of vitriol, the American public’s interest in expressing its opinion by actually taking the time to go to the polls—or in pursuing an absentee ballot—appears to be surging. Elections do have consequences, after all—and, if the last several elections have taught us nothing else, we now know that votes—even a single vote—can matter.

Here’s hoping that—whatever your position on the issues—you take the time to vote this election. It is not only a right, after all, it is a privilege—and a responsibility. 

And let’s hope that those that find themselves in office as a result conduct themselves accordingly.

- Nevin E. Adams, JD

Will the Administration’s Executive Order ‘Work’?

Over the coming weeks, a question that you’re likely to see posed (again and again) about the President’s Executive Order is – “will it work?”

“Work” in this case means to expand access to workplace retirement plans, for that is the stated policy of the Trump administration in issuing the order.

The answer, of course, will depend in no small part on what emerges as a result. While it’s hard to argue with the underlying principle, and even less with the foundational arguments (“Enhancing workplace retirement plan coverage is critical to ensuring that American workers will be financially prepared to retire” and “Regulatory burdens and complexity can be costly and discourage employers, especially small businesses, from offering workplace retirement plans to their employees”), at this point the order is no more than a directive to the Labor and Treasury Departments to consider and recommend some alternatives.

That said, the directives are reasonably specific – to look into ways to expand access to multiple employer plans (MEPs), and even more specifically, to look into ways to expand access to workplace retirement plans by those with “non-traditional employer-employee relationships,” to review ways to make retirement plan disclosures more “understandable and useful,” including a consideration of a “broader use” of electronic disclosures, and to at least look into and consider changes to the life expectancy assumptions imbedded in current required minimum distribution calculations.

As for the MEP directive – it’s well established that access to a workplace retirement plan has a significant positive impact on retirement security, and on the likelihood that individuals will save for retirement, and so anything that expands access to those programs is a good thing. As for the impact of MEPs, well, providers have long touted the ability of a multiple employer plan structure to expand coverage – and since plans at the smaller end of the market are unarguably sold, and not bought, at a minimum it should make it easier to profitably support and provide services to that market. But again, and as I’ve noted before, all MEPs are not created equal in terms of the security they offer retirement savings – and so, the ability to deliver on those promises will depend on the final recommendation.

While open MEPs – certainly a version that permits non-related employers to join together, and that addresses the “one bad apple” concern – are clearly the big deal in this particular order, the potential impact of the other two initiatives have the potential to be significant. For example, a recent study (underwritten by the American Retirement Association and the Investment Company Institute) of the impact of a shift in e-delivery assumptions found that participants could save more than $500 million per year, assuming about eight participant mailings per year across more than 80 million 401(k) account holders.

As for the impact of a change in the RMD calculations – well, for some people at least, that could provide some relief as well. A new study by the nonpartisan Employee Benefit Research Institute (EBRI) finds that the withdrawal amounts taken by those 71 or older are generally no greater than the RMD. In fact, in 2016, more than three-quarters of those 71 or older took only the amount they were required to take – and so, if they were required to take less, that might well mean savings that would last longer.

So, with any luck at all, this might well add up to more retirement plans, more retirement plan savers, and retirement plan savings that might last longer.

Here’s hoping.

- Nevin E. Adams, JD